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section : Reprts and Files
Published Date : 5/24/2017 7:28:09 AM
Who makes foreign policy in the Trump department?

Professional International center for studies & resaerch

Who makes foreign policy in the Trump department?

Saeid Okasha * al-Ahram Center for Studies

Between diminishing the role of the American president in policymaking compared to different
 institutions, both government men and their various institutions or members of Congress or a group lobbying and think tanks think tanks, and vice versa, i.e. giving the president a greater place in this regard, the controversy remains over who makes the decision in Washington? The search process for those who will play the biggest role in the conceptualization of foreign policy under President Trump is more important than in the past for two reasons: first, the reputation of research centres and the 'think tank' have deteriorated because the scenarios developed by these centres over a quarter of a century have failed to maintain the position of the United States as a single superpower in the international system, which has been characterized by liquidity and uncertainty since the dissolution of the former Soviet Union in 1992. and second, personal access like Trump to the chair, whose criticism is not concealed to all institutions, whether State institutions or civil society institutions of flags, research centers and parties, giving the opportunity (theoretically) for the role of the individual to prevail over the role of institutions in the American decision-making industry, both internally and externally.

The role of traditional institutions in decision-making has traditionally been diminished by the fact that there are three points for the development of United States foreign policy visions and perceptions: The White House is mainly the President, the vice President, the National Security Advisor, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the National Security Council, where the latter two institutions are confined to the implementation of these policies.

Several indicators in the US press show that the size of the role of these institutions will depend on the strength of their heads, which has precedents in recent American history. For example, the presence of Henri Kissinger as national security adviser in the first state of President Richard Nixon (1968-1972) was a reason to marginalize the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in policy-making, and when he moved in the second term--which lasted until 1974--to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry's influence was increased to the detriment of the incumbent of the national security adviser. Also, the weight of the external decision industry can be transferred to the vice president as happened in the state of President George W. Bush's first and second son, one CIA employee at the time, Condoleezza Rice, described the positions as: she was the weakest national security advisor in long decades, and the actual chancellor was Vice President Dick Cheney, who had the largest team national security he met a vice president in the history of the United States, even outnumbered by the National Security Council under the President John Kennedy. 

With regard to the Trump administration, U.S. newspapers have referred to certain personalities that have nominated them to be the major influence on foreign policy-making, and they may not only the proximity of the president is used to marginalize traditional institutions related to the external decision-making process, but can also initiate the creation of new institutions to take over this task.

On February 2, 2017, The Washington Post wrote an article for Josh Rogen under the headline: 'Can anyone inside or outside the White House stop Stephen Ban?'  . The article points to the importance of the head of the Trump strategic team, Stephen Bannon Steve Bannon, and describes him as his wits outweigh the members of the government and even the Republican leaders in Congress. It was also developed by the thedaily Beast in the article of the Kimberley Process Kimberly Dozier in early February 2017-with the husband of his son Trump 'Jared Kouchner' Jared Kushner, who was appointed by Trump as his advisor and assistant--the most important assistant to President Trump Bannon and Kouchner are behind the establishment of a new center inside the White House to provide the president with a 'strategic package' of SIG to become a rival of the National Security Council NSC. Some of the close to President Trump said that the 'strategic package' will draw on some 20 experts in various disciplines to provide the White House with estimates of position and policy perceptions internal and external application, and the candidate names will be selected, most of whom are concerned with internal policies such as modernization of infrastructure, industry and modern technology. Assistant President Christopher Liedel and another associate, Sipstian Gorka Sebastian Gorka, is managing this group, both working with Pano while managing the well-known news website Breitbart, who ran the Trump campaign. This group has the importance of confronting the global 'jihad' movement and all the major organizations operating under it, such as al-Qa'idah and the United Nations, which means that the focus trump against terrorism or the so-called 'jihad' world movement corresponds to his choice of personalities of this kind to occupy major positions in the White House.

Individuals who will play larger roles than institutions may not only replace the National Security Council with the 'strategic set of initiatives' as a key player in making the decision of the American in the reign of Trump, even academic personalities can come at a later stage to work with Trump, either formally or as advisers not appointed to advise the President. 

In August 2016, the famous foreign patrol published a study entitled: 'The Case for offshore balancing (' out-of-area balance '), written by two renowned American political science professors, are John Marschmer, and Stephen Walt [1]. The study called for the replacement of a large-scale US external intervention strategy to modify the behaviour of States whose policies are not in line with American values and interests, with a different strategy focusing on maintaining Washington's influence in Europe and confronting potential dominant people in Europe, East Asia and the Gulf. The authors suggest that instead of the policy of world domination and guarding that Republicans and Democrats have applied for the last quarter century, they are a better way of doing so is to follow up on the strategy of 'outside the field', which is based on encouraging certain countries to take control and obstruct
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